One of the roles of foundations is to preserve the memories of individuals whose lives and professional accomplishments inspired the foundation’s creation. These organizations serve as projects aimed at achieving immortality, enabling continued influence after death by ensuring that their thoughts, values, and legacies remain relevant even after they are gone. This is especially true when the individual in question is linked to the pursuit of fundamental solutions to issues concerning human existence and social harmony. This is what places the Binuyo Foundation among notable foundations globally. The foundation was created with patriotic intent by Chief Adebimpe Lala and the late Deaconess Patience Mogbadunola Lala. Since its establishment in 2014, it has launched an archive of essential discussions covering topics such as surveys and sustainable development, cross-border relations, constitutional reform, Nigeria’s economic (dis)order, and the quality of life. I hope this honor of delivering the ninth foundation lecture will not only contribute significantly to the Foundation’s vision and mission, but also encourage deeper reflection on our unique heritage as Nigerians in our shared quest for national transformation that makes Nigeria’s democratic governance work for all.
Why was the topic of local governance—and the necessity for its renewal and enhancement—chosen for this lecture? Let me start by emphasizing the importance of my interest in local governance as a crucial element in reinforcing Nigeria’s democratic system. Democracy, in my view, is essentially rooted at the grassroots level. In other words, the foundation of democratic government worldwide lies in the involvement of the people. The concept of the people is typically found within the rural and community setting that represents the grassroots—the area where millions of citizens constantly try to understand government policies and their own lives in relation to these policies and related initiatives. This implies that for democratic governance to be effective, it must take place at the grassroots level, where democracy can be more authentic, and governance can produce the greatest benefits.
I arrived at this perspective on democracy through my strong support for administrative reform of the public sector, which serves as the institutional and structural framework through which the Nigerian government can utilize its administrative resources to improve the lives of its citizens. The public service plays a crucial role in reinforcing the importance of democratic governance. It is via the public service that the benefits of democratic governance are distributed to the people in the most effective and efficient manner possible. However, institutional reform of the public service would lack meaningful and democratic value if service delivery is not facilitated at the grassroots level, where millions of Nigerians reside.
My lasting interest in local governance began during my childhood in Okeho and Aáwé, where I was raised within a community deeply rooted in moral and communal values derived from both family and collective upbringing. This was an era when social harmony and values were influenced by what the late Ali Mazrui referred to as Africa’s triple heritage, characterized by the peaceful coexistence of the Christian-Western tradition, Islamic influence, and African traditional culture. This environment fostered a socially secure and united community, where essential values—such as deep respect for elders and a strong commitment to the moral development of children—were crucial to the identity, growth, and advancement of the community. It was a time when people were constantly reminded to remember the child and their origins (Rántí ọmọ ẹnití ìwọ ńṣe). These same communal values played a vital role in organizing initiatives like community schools, which helped communities articulate their aspirations and track their development progress. This experience allows us to grasp how local communities were essentially the foundation of significant values meant not only to shape individual character according to communal expectations but also to act as frameworks that shape individuals and communities in their engagement with regional and national issues. This reflects the core of Peter Ekeh’s two-public thesis, as well as the argument that the primordial public maintains the moral authority over people’s lives that the civic public has yet to achieve.
In the early years after gaining independence, local government areas played a vital role in both sociopolitical activities and the effective delivery of public services. Following the 1966 coup and subsequent political developments, military rule completely reshaped Nigeria’s political environment and constitutional structure, particularly through the implementation of a new federal system and a centralized governance model that weakened and diminished the role of local governance within Nigeria’s federal system and democratic goals. The overall impact has been severe. First, the Land Use Act of 1976 constitutionally transferred land ownership to the states, thereby severing communities from their sources of livelihood. Second, urbanization caused a large migration from rural to urban areas, significantly weakening the kinship ties that had traditionally held communities together, and ultimately leading to a deep level of social disintegration and lawlessness that eroded communal relationships. Third, urbanization was accompanied by a further decline in traditional community values due to the influence of Western cultural imperialism. Fourth, the discovery of oil dealt a fatal blow to the economic importance of agriculture in rural regions as a key driver of development. Fifth, there has been a gradual withdrawal of government responsibility for local governance in terms of infrastructure and development programs, which was reflected in taxation without representation. Sixth, this was followed by an increasing collapse of development policy frameworks, such as basic data collection on births, deaths, and migration. Seventh, there was also a loss of interest in essential local services like local policing, waste management, and sanitation standards. Finally, agriculture—one of the main productive sectors of the Nigerian economy before the oil discovery—declined significantly.
It was therefore my connection to Aáwé that led to my initial understanding of how the local governance system could be revived. This insight came through my close relationship with the late Professor Ojetunji Aboyade, who was both my clansman and mentor, as well as the late Akinlawon Mabogunje, his friend and colleague. Both were the founders of the Optimum Community (or OPTICOM) development model, which relies on the natural strengths and worldviews of local communities as the basis for development. The approach involved a dynamic interaction between researchers, the public, and producers, which fostered cultural transformation through social mobilization, strategic communication, extension services, and other elements. This framework not only allowed researchers and community members to collaborate and work together on development issues, but also facilitated the exchange and blending of knowledge and expertise.
The OPTICOM framework, along with its subsequent version in the Ijebu Development Initiative on Poverty Reduction (IDIPR), launched by Mabogunje and the Awujale of Ijebuland, became the central theme of my initial doctoral research, which aimed to apply political theory and development studies to analyze the concept and associated development models. It was only later that I started to critically assess the roles of traditional institutions and leadership in supporting local governance and development, as well as in enhancing the state’s developmental goals in a mutually beneficial way. This prompted me to conduct significant comparisons of the impact of certain traditional leaders: HRM Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi (the Ooni of Ife), HRM Igwe Nnaemeka Alfred Achebe (the Obi of Onitsha), HRH Muhammadu Sanusi II (the Emir of Kano), Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona (the Awujale of Ijebu), and others as models of effective local governance.
The grassroots-level recovery initiatives are based on various theoretical frameworks that assign importance to community-based organizations, traditional structures, and leadership roles which have not been previously recognized. Many academics agree that, at a minimum, the focus of development planning and forecasting is primarily on reducing poverty, unemployment, and inequality in resource distribution. This concept is supported by three related theories. First, there is the basic needs approach, which emphasizes that economic and national planning should be directed towards meeting fundamental human needs—such as food, shelter, clothing, health, and education. Economic growth and progress should be evaluated based on how they enhance the quality of life for citizens. Amartya Sen’s capability approach is similar. The effectiveness of states and their public services is measured by how well they enhance and expand people’s ability to lead fulfilling and meaningful lives, including a long and healthy life (health), knowledge (education), and a decent standard of living (income). Lastly, there is the social capital approach, which focuses more on key characteristics of human communities that promote trust, civic and social reciprocity, relationships, and the strengthening of social networks based on norms of cooperation and collective action. All these elements serve as essential assets for communities to establish institutional connections and foster a sense of belonging, which create opportunities for development.
All these major conceptual and theoretical approaches formed the foundational frameworks that support the UNDP’s Human Development Index, which not only challenged the GDP-focused approach to measuring development, but also offers a crucial theoretical basis for the poverty reduction strategy centered on the principle of “leave no one behind.” Among the global initiatives influenced by this strategy are the MDGs and SDGs, which aimed at empowering marginalized groups and helped shift development indicators from focusing solely on income growth to emphasizing human well-being and freedom. This fundamental conceptual and theoretical framework suggests that development should be assessed based on people’s abilities and opportunities, rather than just their earnings.
These changes also had significant consequences for the perception of local governance in Nigeria. This was particularly rooted in the global conversation about decentralization and federalism. In 1976, the Ibrahim Dasuki Local Government Reform was notable for establishing local governance and administration by acknowledging the local government as the third level of government. However, in 1977 and 1984, the Nigerian government acknowledged the substantial challenges in making local governments function effectively as the third tier of government through the formation of the Aboyade Revenue Allocation Committee and the Dasuki Local Government Review Committee, respectively. The Aboyade Committee was established by the Obasanjo administration to examine the long-standing issue of fair distribution of national revenues, and it proposed a sharing formula that allocated fifty-seven percent to the federal government, thirty percent to the states, ten percent to the local governments, and three percent as special grants. The following Dasuki review in 1984 helped solidify the autonomy and financial stability of local governments, especially in the face of the challenge of being overly subordinate to state governments. It suggested an increase in revenue allocation to local governments, up to twenty-three percent. Additionally, it strongly recommended the creation of traditional councils that grant constitutional roles to traditional leaders in local governance.
However, further action is necessary regarding the integration of the vision of the Nigerian federation, the policy framework that supports the rehabilitation of local governance upon which the local government system is based, and the theoretical foundations that should underpin its essential importance. This entails a thorough examination of the practices of local governance from 1976 to the present and how they have either obstructed or facilitated democratic governance in Nigeria. Considering our shared understanding of the disconnect between Nigeria’s federal dynamics and the role of local governance in democratic governance, it is important to note that the local government, as the third level of government, has so far significantly failed to fulfill the promises of grassroots development and the benefits of democracy. So, how do we begin reflecting on the institutional and policy reforms needed urgently to place local governance once again at the center of democracy and development in Nigeria? I have some ideas.
The first and most essential foundation is legal and constitutional. The structural foundation of Nigeria’s federation is based on the constitutional provisions regarding the relationships between different levels of government. It is this legal structure that must be thoroughly reconsidered, particularly within the current discussion on restructuring the Nigerian political system. Second, building upon the previous point, this legal and constitutional framework also highlights the need to define how the state, local governments, and community or traditional authorities, as well as community-based organizations, can work together to enhance local governance through self-help and service delivery that rely on social capital and the principle of subsidiarity, which empower capabilities. The third institutional reform initiative calls for reinforcing inter-governmental development collaborations and partnerships, which serve as the structural basis for the survival and consolidation of federalism in Nigeria.
•The 9th Annual Lecture organized by the Binuyo Foundation, presented by Prof. Olaopa, Chairman of the Federal Civil Service Commission, at the Federal School of Surveying in Oyo on Saturday, April 25, 2026.
The fifth suggestion focuses on strengthening and reinforcing the systems of checks and balances that connect governance and democratic structures and practices. An excellent example is the World Bank’s Local Fiscal Transparency, Accountability and Sustainability (LFTAS) protocol, which helps monitor the performance of local government and community-driven development programs, projects, and initiatives. Sixth, grassroots and community development are most effectively supported through social mobilization, which unites, coordinates, and organizes community members into cooperative networks for development. This is where the OPTICOM and IDIPR models play a crucial role in understanding local governance. Lastly, but certainly not least, there is an essential need to examine the capability gap within local governments themselves, as this capacity deficit can hinder their ability to implement institutional, governance, and policy reforms that could improve their readiness for efficient service delivery to the public.
It is unquestionable that the future of democratic governance in Nigeria depends entirely on how we constitutionally and practically handle the operations of the local government, which serves as the third level of government, and the advantages of local governance and community development it offers. The Binuyo Foundation has provided a valuable national service by reminding us once more of its critical importance.
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